Elections will test news media's freedom to report political change
By Jerelyn Eddings
freedomforum.org
09.13.01
Zambia, a southern African country with an economy that rose and fell with the fate of copper prices, is gaining international attention this year because of its political battles. The country is in the midst of a rough-and-tumble election campaign that has divided its ruling party, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy, and brought citizens into the streets to oppose attempts to change the Zambian Constitution to allow its president to run for a third term.
The campaign also has brought the government into direct confrontation with segments of the news media, particularly private newspapers that give the public a steady diet of stories about scandal and corruption among public officials. In the heat of the election season, police arrived at the offices of the country's most popular and most critical newspaper, The Post, and carried off its editor on a charge of defaming President Frederick Chiluba. The case was an acute demonstration of the level of tension in the country and the major challenge facing both the media and political leaders as Zambia moves toward national elections for president and Parliament later this year.
This year's voting will be only the third multiparty election in Zambian history. The country won independence from Britain in 1964, and subsequently one man — Kenneth Kaunda — led the country and dominated its politics for 27 years. Kaunda governed a one-party state for most of his tenure, but he ultimately was forced by a popular uprising to change the constitution in 1990 and allow the establishment of opposition political parties. In 1991, under the new revisions, he lost the presidency to Chiluba, a leading trade unionist who played a key role in the mass movement.
Chiluba won re-election in 1996 but ran afoul of the public this year when supporters sought to change the two-term constitutional limit for the presidency to enable him to run again. The media kept the issue on center stage until eventually the president announced that he did not intend to seek a third term. During the drama, leading members of Chiluba's Movement for Multiparty Democracy quit the party or were thrown out for their opposition to the third-term idea. Many formed new parties, such as the Forum for Democracy and Development and the Heritage Party, and are challenging their former colleagues for power.
The private media, which have played a major role in this drama, barely existed during most of Kaunda's time in office. Several privately owned newspapers were published by white businessmen during the colonial era. But after independence, the government bought the Central African Mail, which it renamed the Zambia Daily Mail, and later it took over the more profitable Times of Zambia. The government also set up the Zambia News Agency in 1969 and brought the fledgling radio and television industries under state control shortly after independence. Only The National Mirror, started in the mid-1970s by a coalition of churches, provided alternative views until the media landscape began to change in 1991.
Today, Zambia has a handful of daily and weekly newspapers, most of which are published in the capital city of Lusaka but some of which have offices in such towns as Livingstone and Ndola. The Times of Zambia and the Zambia Daily Mail remain under government control. But the constitutional changes of 1990 brought the re-emergence of private newspapers. The first was The Weekly Post, established in 1991 and later expanded to daily publication. It has been the most hard-hitting newspaper, constantly challenging government practices and often paying a high price.
In 1999, 11 journalists from The Post were charged with espionage for a report alleging that Zambia's army could not withstand attack from Angola. All were acquitted in August 2000 except editor Fred M'membe, who was later acquitted by the Lusaka High Court in a ruling sharply critical of the government's abuse of the 1969 State Security Act.
Since the emergence of The Post, other newspapers have been set up, but many succumbed to tough economic times. A few have stayed alive, with donor support. The weekly Monitor, which was established in 1996 by the Committee for a Clean Campaign, is supported by a human rights organization, Afronet, and continues to focus heavily on politics. The National Mirror also continues publication as a weekly with church support.
Newspaper circulation is low for a country with a population of more than 11 million. The Post's circulation, believed to be the highest, stands at about 30,000. Circulation of the state-owned newspapers has fallen dramatically from the 1970s, during the height of Zambia's copper wealth. In the '70s, the Sunday Times, which had the highest circulation, sold 75,000 copies per edition. Today, circulation is below 20,000. "Now all the dailies don't reach 50,000 combined," says Michael Daka, director of the Zambia Institute of Mass Communication (ZAMCOM). He said most newspapers are plagued by poor writing, too little analysis and too much preoccupation with political news.
ZAMCOM offers short courses to journalists seeking to improve their skills in particular areas. Most Zambian journalists are trained at the Evelyn Hone College, which has a three-year diploma program for journalists. The University of Zambia also offers a bachelor's degree program in mass communications.
Perhaps the biggest problem for the Zambian media is the state of the economy, which suffers from high rates of joblessness, low salaries and a weak currency. With the economy in desperate straits, most people cannot afford to buy newspapers at current prices of 1,500 to 2,000 kwachas (35 to 40 cents) per copy.
Television remains under tight government control, but changes in broadcasting laws have allowed a few private radio stations to go into business, starting in 1996. Most prominent among them is Radio Phoenix, which broadcasts a mix of popular music and talk shows. But Radio Phoenix also has had run-ins with government authorities. At one point, the show "Let the People Talk" was suspended in the midst of heavy government pressure. In August the station was ordered off the air for failure to pay its licensing fee on time, but many in the media community suspected the sudden suspension — without prior notification or reminders — was intended to send a message to the station as the election season heated up. (Editor's note: The ban on Radio Phoenix was later lifted.
While Radio Phoenix is the best-known private station, several church-sponsored stations also have been granted licenses. The most prominent of these is Christian Voice.
International media organizations have been critical of the Zambian government's handling of the media. In August the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists expressed deep concern about press freedom in the country ahead of the elections, stating, "Given the hostile climate that local journalists now face, CPJ has little confidence that they will be able to work effectively during the run-up to general elections scheduled for later this year."
In an earlier report, "Attacks on the Press in 2000," CPJ said, "Despite repeated government promises to launch reforms, Zambia's booming independent press still faces a number of restrictive press laws. Section 53 of the Penal Code effectively gives the president blanket powers to ban publications. Other statutes prescribe prison sentences for false reporting, insulting the president, sedition and defamation. And journalists can still be jailed under the notorious Parliamentary and Ministerial Code of Conduct Act, for refusing to disclose confidential sources of information."
Inside Zambia, national organizations such as the Zambia Independent Media Association and the Press Association of Zambia press for better working conditions for journalists.
Despite the tensions, Zambia's news media are expected to play a crucial role during the upcoming elections, which will be an important test for all concerned.